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    <title>Hooge, I.E. de</title>
    <link>http://repub.eur.nl/res/aut/25208/</link>
    <description>List of Publications</description>
    <language>en</language>
    <image>
      <url>http://repub.eur.nl/static-eur/img/logo.png</url>
      <title>RePub, Erasmus University Rotterdam</title>
      <link>http://repub.eur.nl</link>
    </image>
    <item>
      <title>Advertising-induced Embarrassment (Research Paper)</title>
      <link>http://repub.eur.nl/res/pub/39630/</link>
      <pubDate>2013-04-15T00:00:00Z</pubDate>
      <description>Consumer embarrassment is an important concern for marketers. Yet, little is known
about embarrassment in passive situations like advertising viewing. The authors investigate when and why consumers experience embarrassment as a result of exposure to socially sensitive advertisements. The theory distinguishes between viewing potentially embarrassing ads together with an audience that shares the social identity targeted by the message and viewing the same ads together with an audience that does not share the targeted social identity. Four studies provide support for the theory, demonstrating that advertising targeting and social context jointly determine feelings of embarrassment and advertising effectiveness.</description>
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      <title>The exemplary social emotion guilt: Not so relationship-oriented when another person repairs for you (Article)</title>
      <link>http://repub.eur.nl/res/pub/37624/</link>
      <pubDate>2012-11-01T00:00:00Z</pubDate>
      <description>Guilt is considered by many researchers to be the hallmark social emotion. Guilt theories perceive guilt to be a negative emotion with positive interpersonal consequences, and empirical research has shown guilt to motivate prosocial behaviours aimed at restoring the relationship with one's victims. The current research questions the relationship-oriented nature of this emotion. Five experiments reveal that when a person repairs the transgressor's damage caused to a victim, the transgressor's guilt feelings, reparative intentions, and prosocial behaviour decrease. These findings suggest that it is not the relationship with the victim that is important in the regulation of guilt feelings, but rather the reparative actions that have been undertaken. Implications for theory and behavioural research on guilt are discussed. </description>
    </item> <item>
      <title>A functionalist account of shame-induced behaviour (Article)</title>
      <link>http://repub.eur.nl/res/pub/22100/</link>
      <pubDate>2011-08-01T00:00:00Z</pubDate>
      <description>Recent research has shown that shame activates both a restore and a protect motive (De Hooge, Zeelenberg, &amp; Breugelmans, 2010), explaining the hitherto unexpected finding that shame can lead to both approach and avoidance behaviours. In the present article we show a clear difference in priority and development of restore and protect motives over time. Our experiment reveals that shame mainly motivates approach behaviour to restore the damaged self, but that this restore motive decreases when situational factors make it too risky or difficult to restore. In contrast, the motive to protect one's damaged self from further harm is not influenced by such situational factors. As a consequence, the approach behaviour that shame activates may change over time. These findings add to our understanding of the motivational processes and behaviours following from shame. </description>
    </item> <item>
      <title>What Is Moral About Guilt? Acting " Prosocially" at the Disadvantage of Others (Article)</title>
      <link>http://repub.eur.nl/res/pub/23947/</link>
      <pubDate>2011-03-01T00:00:00Z</pubDate>
      <description>For centuries economists and psychologists have argued that the morality of moral emotions lies in the fact that they stimulate prosocial behavior and benefit others in a person's social environment. Many studies have shown that guilt, arguably the most exemplary moral emotion, indeed motivates prosocial behavior in dyadic social dilemma situations. When multiple persons are involved, however, the moral and prosocial nature of this emotion can be questioned. The present article shows how guilt can have beneficial effects for the victim of one's actions but also disadvantageous effects for other people in the social environment. A series of experiments, with various emotion inductions and dependent measures, all reveal that guilt motivates prosocial behavior toward the victim at the expense of others around-but not at the expense of oneself. These findings illustrate that a thorough understanding of the functioning of emotions is necessary to understand their moral nature. </description>
    </item> <item>
      <title>Restore and protect motivations following shame (Article)</title>
      <link>http://repub.eur.nl/res/pub/20778/</link>
      <pubDate>2010-01-01T00:00:00Z</pubDate>
      <description>Shame has been found to promote both approach and withdrawal behaviours. Shame theories have not been able to explain how shame can promote such contrasting behaviours. In the present article, the authors provide an explanation for this. Shame was hypothesised to activate approach behaviours to restore the threatened self, and in situations when this is not possible or too risky, to activate withdrawal behaviours to protect the self from further damage. Five studies with different shame inductions and different dependent measures confirmed our predictions. We therefore showed that different behavioural responses to shame can be understood in terms of restore and protect motives.
Implications for theory and behavioural research on shame are discussed.</description>
    </item>
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