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    <title>Bestuurskunde; Public Administration</title>
    <link>http://repub.eur.nl/res/org/9715/</link>
    <description>List of Publications</description>
    <language>en</language>
    <image>
      <url>http://repub.eur.nl/static-eur/img/logo.png</url>
      <title>RePub, Erasmus University Rotterdam</title>
      <link>http://repub.eur.nl</link>
    </image>
    <item>
      <title>Paradoxes around good governance (Inaugural Lecture)</title>
      <link>http://repub.eur.nl/res/pub/39219/</link>
      <pubDate>2013-03-15T00:00:00Z</pubDate>
      <description>
        
        
Good governance is not a new concept Ambrogio Lorenzetti made his frescoes on
good and bad governance already in the years 1338-1340 
They can be viewed in the
Palazzo Publicco on one of the most beautiful squares of the world, the Piazza del
Campo in Siena, Italy
I assume many of you have been there
Good governance is
represented by a king on his throne surrounded by many virtues
Bad governance is
represented by the devil, and justice has been bound
The fresco depicting the conse
-
quences of good governance shows an orderly and happy life
People pay taxes, and
many people are engaged in productive and cultural activities
The city state of Siena
itself served as model for this condition of good governance, and Siena can be rec
-
ognized on the fresco
The frescoes on the consequences of bad governance are less
well remained
But the overwhelming image is one of death and destruction
Houses
are burning, nobody is working on the land
Lorenzetti’s frescoes were innovative in
his time, especially for painting a humanistic and not religious topic (Korsten, 2010)
      </description>
      <author>Dijkstra, A.G.</author>
    </item> <item>
      <title>Mondiaal bestuur en de democratische uitdaging: IMF en Wereldbank (In Book)</title>
      <link>http://repub.eur.nl/res/pub/40084/</link>
      <pubDate>2013-03-01T00:00:00Z</pubDate>
      <description>
        
        Inleiding: De benoeming van een nieuwe President van de Wereldbank in april 2012 maakte weer eens
duidelijk dat het niet zo best gesteld is met de democratie binnen dit instituut. Er waren twee
zeer goede kandidaten vanuit Zuidelijke landen: Mevrouw Ngozi Okonjo-Iweala uit Nigeria en de
heer José Antonio Ocampo uit Colombia. Maar President Obama stelde een Amerikaan voor,
weliswaar één van Koreaanse afkomst. Ook al had de heer Jim Yong Kim lang niet de ervaring en
expertise van de twee anderen, het was direct duidelijk dat hij het zou worden. Nadat de
Amerikanen een paar maanden eerder bij de vacature voor directeur van het International
Monetair Fonds (IMF) de Europese kandidaat, mevrouw Christine Lagarde hadden gesteund,
bleven nu de Europeanen trouw aan de traditie dat er een Amerikaan aan het hoofd staat van de
Wereldbank.
Deze traditie symboliseert de dominantie van de oude westerse mogendheden over deze twee
instellingen. Maar er is steeds meer weerstand tegen. In de huidige wereldwijde crisis is het IMF
op zoek naar extra middelen. Opkomende landen, en in het bijzonder de BRICS (Brazilië,
Rusland, India, China en soms ook Zuid Afrika) zouden die middelen kunnen verschaffen, maar
eisen meer zeggenschap in het bestuur van het IMF. Het gebrek aan democratie is daarmee een
urgent probleem geworden. Maar ook al vóór de huidige crisis stond de democratische
legitimiteit van IMF en Wereldbank ter discussie. Lange tijd hadden vooral de armere landen
met het IMF te maken, terwijl het beleid van het IMF vrijwel volledig door de rijke landen werd
bepaald. Voor de Wereldbank gold iets soortgelijks. In de afgelopen jaren zijn er echter wel veel
voorstellen ontwikkeld en ook enkele besluiten genomen om deze instellingen te hervormen.
Hoe is dit zo gekomen? En welke oplossingen zijn er? Deze bijdrage probeert op deze vragen een
antwoord te geven. Eerst geef ik een kort overzicht van de rol van IMF en Wereldbank in de
wereldeconomie. Vervolgens schets ik het bestuur van deze instellingen en de democratische
uitdagingen die er zijn. Daarna komen de recente veranderingen aan de orde, en die worden
afgezet tegen voorstellen voor verdergaande hervormingen.
      </description>
      <author>Dijkstra, A.G.</author>
    </item> <item>
      <title>Book Review of 'The European Commission and Bureaucratic Autonomy: Europe’s Custodians' (Miscellaneous)</title>
      <link>http://repub.eur.nl/res/pub/39597/</link>
      <pubDate>2013-01-01T00:00:00Z</pubDate>
      <description>
        
        This addition to the literature on the European Commission constitutes a contribution to studies of the post-Santer Commission. The book takes the bureaucratic autonomy literature as a theoretical basis (Chapter 2) and rests empirically on a survey of nearly 200 top Commission officials (Chapter 3). In both aspects, the book can be characterized as a trend-follower rather than a trend-setter: Theoretically, it sets forth the trend of the public administration turn in EU studies (Trondal 2007); empirically, the study not only rests on the assumptions of Hooghe’s (2001) study of the Commission but also studies the same group of management-level Commission officials, albeit the population 10 years later.
      </description>
      <author>Suvarierol, S.</author>
    </item> <item>
      <title>Policy alienation of public professionals: The construct and its measurement (Article)</title>
      <link>http://repub.eur.nl/res/pub/32694/</link>
      <pubDate>2012-07-01T00:00:00Z</pubDate>
      <description>
        
        Currently, there is an intense debate on the pressures facing public professionals during policy implementation. Frequently professionals have difficulty identifying with new policies, resulting in among else diminished policy performance. We examine this problem using the concept of ‘policy alienation’, for which we have developed and tested a scale for its measurement. Policy alienation is conceptually associated with five sub-dimensions: strategic powerlessness, tactical powerlessness, operational powerlessness, societal meaninglessness
and client meaninglessness. Likert-type items have been developed for these sub-dimensions which together create a policy alienation scale. The initial scale was reviewed by interviewing 21 experts. These items were then administered in a survey of 478 Dutch healthcare professionals implementing a new financial policy: Diagnosis Related Groups (DRG, or DBC). The resulting 23-item policy alienation scale demonstrated good psychometric qualities. A reliable and valid policy alienation scale can ultimately help in understanding and enhancing policy performance.
      </description>
      <author>Tummers, L.G.</author>
    </item> <item>
      <title>Policy Alienation of Public Professionals: The Construct and Its Measurement (Article)</title>
      <link>http://repub.eur.nl/res/pub/32908/</link>
      <pubDate>2012-07-01T00:00:00Z</pubDate>
      <description>
        
        Currently, there is an intense debate on the pressures facing public professionals during policy implementation. Frequently, professionals have difficulty identifying with new policies, resulting in diminished policy performance. The author examines this problem using the concept of "policy alienation" and develops and tests a scale for its measurement. Policy alienation is associated conceptually with five subdimensions: strategic powerlessness, tactical powerlessness, operational powerlessness, societal meaninglessness, and client meaninglessness. A policy alienation scale was using a survey of 478 Dutch health care professionals implementing a new financial policy, diagnosis related groups. The resulting 23-item policy alienation scale demonstrated good psychometric qualities. A reliable and valid policy alienation scale can help in understanding and enhancing policy performance. 
      </description>
      <author>Tummers, L.G.</author>
    </item> <item>
      <title>Two track public services? Citizens' voice behaviour towards liberalized services in the EU15 (Article)</title>
      <link>http://repub.eur.nl/res/pub/32774/</link>
      <pubDate>2012-05-14T00:00:00Z</pubDate>
      <description>
        
        Is there evidence for the emergence of ‘two-track’ public services, where the wealthiest, best- informed and most assertive customers get the best quality service? In this paper, we use public opinion data of citizen complaint behavior from 2000 and 2004 towards services of general interest in 15 EU countries to provide a first examination of the ‘two-track’ public services hypothesis. The findings only partly support the expectation that socio-economic factors did have a negative impact over time on citizen complaints. While education did not have such an effect, age did. However, these results should be regarded as provisional for various reasons.
      </description>
      <author>Jilke, S.</author> <author>Van de Walle, S.G.J.</author>
    </item> <item>
      <title>Nation-freezing: Images of the nation and the migrant in citizenship packages (Article)</title>
      <link>http://repub.eur.nl/res/pub/32776/</link>
      <pubDate>2012-04-01T00:00:00Z</pubDate>
      <description>
        
        New nationalism differs from classical nationalism in terms of its content and focus. Whereas classical nationalism distinguishes itself from other nation-states in defining its national identity, new nationalism distinguishes the 'native' national identity from that of its current and prospective citizens of migrant origin. The terms of integration thus become conditions of membership in the national community. Citizenship and integration policies emerge as central arenas where the discourse of new nationalism unfolds. This study looks into the discourses of cultural citizenship by studying the content of the official 'citizenship packages' - materials designed to welcome newcomers and assist them in their integration - in three Western European countries: The Netherlands, France and the UK. What images are depicted of the nation-state and the migrant in citizenship packages, and (how) do these images freeze the nation?. 
      </description>
      <author>Suvarierol, S.</author>
    </item> <item>
      <title>Professionals zijn vervreemd van beleid (Miscellaneous)</title>
      <link>http://repub.eur.nl/res/pub/32693/</link>
      <pubDate>2012-02-28T00:00:00Z</pubDate>
      <description>
        
        Professionals in de publieke sector zijn vervreemd van overheidsbeleid, waardoor
de uitvoering van dat beleid hapert. Dat is geen angst voor verandering, maar
werkers in de zorg en het onderwijs vinden nieuw beleid vaak zinloos. Politici
moeten ophouden professionals van tekortkomingen te betichten ...
      </description>
      <author>Tummers, L.G.</author>
    </item> <item>
      <title>Beyond Fragmentation in Public Governance: the Search for Connective Capacity (In Book)</title>
      <link>http://repub.eur.nl/res/pub/34873/</link>
      <pubDate>2012-01-01T00:00:00Z</pubDate>
      <description>
        
        Introduction. In the first chapter of this volume we have argued that fragmentation has become a major characteristic of public administration and society. One the one hand fragmentation is the result of the process of modernization and progress that has evolved over centuries. Within the public sector, the ideas of the New Public Management (NPM) movement has intensified it in the last decades. In this perspective, fragmentation can be seen as the inevitable outcome of a process of specialization in which rather autonomous organizations are involved in carrying out specific tasks and dedicated functions. For instance, contemporary health care has its roots in the medieval hospitals, which not only provided a minimal form protection and care – based on especially religious reasons - to sick people, but also to children who lost their parents, to widows, to elderly people, or to mentally and physically disabled persons as well to alcoholics, tramps and pilgrims. Some centuries later the medieval hospitals have evolved into highly specialized institutions that provide highly professional care, based on scientific knowledge, to well defined groups, which increasingly are being considered as customers.
      </description>
      <author>Bekkers, V.J.J.M.</author> <author>Fenger, H.J.M.</author>
    </item> <item>
      <title>Matrix bij Novadic-Kentron levert meer op: Zorgprofessionals innoveren beter (Article)</title>
      <link>http://repub.eur.nl/res/pub/32692/</link>
      <pubDate>2012-01-01T00:00:00Z</pubDate>
      <description>
        
        Matrixstructuren worden in organisaties weinig benut voor de dagelijkse besturing; hooguit voor projecten.
In de gezondheidszorg spelen echter ontwikkelingen die een grotere betrokkenheid van professionals
vergen. De vraag is of de matrix dat bewerkstelligt, welke voor- en nadelen de matrixstructuur
bij Novadic-Kentron heeft en hoe de balans bij het middenmanagement en op de werkvloer uitslaat.
Een verhaal uit de praktijk.
      </description>
      <author>Veld, K. In 't</author> <author>Vos, D.</author> <author>Tummers, L.G.</author> <author>Rogier, J.</author>
    </item> <item>
      <title>Success Nonetheless: Making public utilities work in small-scale democracies despite difficult social capital conditions (Book)</title>
      <link>http://repub.eur.nl/res/pub/31163/</link>
      <pubDate>2011-12-01T00:00:00Z</pubDate>
      <description>
        
        INTRODUCTION: The fate of societies and their governments intertwined. Academics and policy makers have long sought to understand how the attributes of a people translate to the form of government that arises and survives. In particular, they have explored which key social levers can increase the success rates of democracies.
One branch of this research focussed on which societal conditions are conducive to the flourishing of democracy. Prominent scholars such as Huntington, Fukuyama and Sen explored whether formerly authoritarian societies could be remade into democratic communities, and how democracy could be maintained in societies where it was already established. This concern also extended to countries that have been longstanding members of the club of democracies, and asked whether on-going societal changes would have an impact on the endurance and effectiveness of democratic government.
These efforts generated a long list of conditions that are deemed essential to the prosperity of democracy; ranging from social cohesion and civic traditions to stocks of interpersonal trust and active civil societies.
This thesis does not aim to identify further conditions for democratic success. Rather it wants to document how democratic governments can perform well even if their societies do not meet the ideal requirements. Specifically, it investigates how democratic governments can be effective in delivering public services, even if the socio-cultural circumstances are adverse to democracy itself.
      </description>
      <author>Douglas, S.</author>
    </item> <item>
      <title>Policy alienation and work alienation: Two worlds apart? (Research Paper)</title>
      <link>http://repub.eur.nl/res/pub/31195/</link>
      <pubDate>2011-12-01T00:00:00Z</pubDate>
      <description>
        
        Abstract
The notion of work alienation has been fascinating scholars and practitioners for a long time. In recent
years, a related concept has been developed in the public administration discipline: policy alienation,
which examines the alienation of public professionals from the policy they have to implement. In this
paper, our goal is to study the distinctiveness (or similarity) of work alienation and policy alienation.
Furthermore, we examine a number of effects of work and policy alienation. Based on a theoretical
framework and a survey of 790 Dutch midwives, we show that work and policy alienation are clearly
distinct concepts. Furthermore, we show that work alienation has a strong impact on work level
outcomes, such as work effort and intention to leave the organization. Policy alienation strongly
influences the intention of a worker to resist a new policy, and the related behavior. Hence, work and
policy alienation have important but separate effects. This study underscores the usefulness of work
and policy alienation for sociological and public administration research
      </description>
      <author>Tummers, L.G.</author> <author>Thiel, S. van</author> <author>Steijn, A.J.</author> <author>Bekkers, V.J.J.M.</author>
    </item> <item>
      <title>Implementation of GIS-Based Applications in Water Governance (Article)</title>
      <link>http://repub.eur.nl/res/pub/30702/</link>
      <pubDate>2011-10-12T00:00:00Z</pubDate>
      <description>
        
        Geographical Information Systems (GIS) are computer programs that are able to bring large amounts of data of both the physical and the social system together in one comprehensive overview shown digitally. GIS occurred very rapidly on the Dutch policy agenda. In this paper we analyze how the fast introduction process of GIS-based instruments in water management and more specifically in river flood management can be explained. By applying a range of classical models on agenda-setting, we show the important contribution of GIS to the water and flood issue in current spatial planning and policy development in the Netherlands. 
      </description>
      <author>Moody, R.F.I.</author> <author>Ast, J.A. van</author>
    </item> <item>
      <title>Nodal Policing in the Netherlands: Strategic and Normative Considerations on an Evolving Practice (Article)</title>
      <link>http://repub.eur.nl/res/pub/26708/</link>
      <pubDate>2011-09-14T00:00:00Z</pubDate>
      <description>
        
        Abstract. This article focuses on the nodal orientation of the Dutch police, which is an innovative and controversial target of Dutch policing. This target states that the police should focus on flows and on places where the various flows coincide. The Dutch interpretation of the nodal orientation combines a perspective on policing in infrastructural networks with one that considers the police as a player in (social) security networks. Nodal policing in the Netherlands has been introduced as a ‘sensitizing’ and evolving concept. This article describes a selection of evolving nodal policing 
practices and discusses the strategic and normative implications for Dutch policing that arise from these practices.
      </description>
      <author>Sluis, A. van</author> <author>Marks, P.K.</author> <author>Bekkers, V.J.J.M.</author>
    </item> <item>
      <title>Explaining the willingness of public professionals to implement new policies: A policy alienation framework (Article)</title>
      <link>http://repub.eur.nl/res/pub/26264/</link>
      <pubDate>2011-09-01T00:00:00Z</pubDate>
      <description>
        
        Nowadays, many public policies focus on economic values, such as efficiency and client choice. Public professionals often show resistance to implementing such policies. We analyse this problem using an interdisciplinary approach. From public administration, we draw on the policy alienation concept, which consists of five dimensions: strategic powerlessness, tactical powerlessness, operational powerlessness, societal meaninglessness and client meaninglessness. These are considered as factors that influence the willingness of professionals to implement policies (change willingness - a concept drawn from the change management literature). We test this model in a survey among 478 Dutch healthcare professionals implementing a new reimbursement policy. The first finding was that perceived autonomy (operational powerlessness) significantly influenced change willingness, whereas strategic and tactical powerlessness were not found to be significant. Second, both the meaninglessness dimensions proved highly significant. We conclude that clarifying the value of a policy is important in getting professionals to willingly implement a policy, whereas their participation on the strategic or tactical levels seems less of a motivational factor. These insights help in understanding why public professionals embrace or resist the implementation of particular policies. Points for practitioners Policymakers develop public policies which, nowadays, tend to focus strongly on economic values, such as increasing efficiency or offering citizens the opportunity to choose among suppliers of public services. Public professionals, who have to implement these policies, are often reluctant to do so. This study shows that the causes of this resistance are unlikely to be found in the lack of influence these professionals have in the shaping of the policy at the national or organizational level. Rather, professionals might resist implementing policies because they do not see them as meaningful for society, or for their own clients. Therefore, policymakers should focus on this perceived meaninglessness and adopt ways to counter this, for example by intensively communicating the value associated with a policy. 
      </description>
      <author>Tummers, L.G.</author>
    </item> <item>
      <title>Climate change adaptation in practice: People's responses to tidal flooding in Semarang, Indonesia (Article)</title>
      <link>http://repub.eur.nl/res/pub/26366/</link>
      <pubDate>2011-09-01T00:00:00Z</pubDate>
      <description>
        
        In many places in the world the effects of common floods are increased by climate change. In the area around the Indonesian city of Semarang, the number and effects of tidal flooding are becoming more and more severe. We found that the inhabitants used different strategies against the impact of flooding. In both the existing and the predicted flood prone areas, most people appear not to intend to leave the area, even when the floods become everyday routine. People are connected to their dwellings in a way that abandoning is not a realistic scenario. This study provides relevant information about the way people in the affected areas perceive flood risks and adaptation opportunities. Governmental policy-makers and urban planners could base their strategies and actions on this information. © 2011 The Authors. Journal of Flood Risk Management 
      </description>
      <author>Harwitasari, D.</author> <author>Ast, J.A. van</author>
    </item> <item>
      <title>Budgetary Coordination in the Eurozone: The Reform of the Stability and Growth Pact (Research Paper)</title>
      <link>http://repub.eur.nl/res/pub/33099/</link>
      <pubDate>2011-08-25T00:00:00Z</pubDate>
      <description>
        
        Introduction: The birth of the EMU featured almost unprecedented transfer of sovereignty from the European member states to a newly created European institution. Ever since, the monetary policy has been the sole responsibility of the ECB at least for the countries in the Eurozone. The budgetary policy though still belongs to the domain of the European member states. However, they are not completely free to pursue there own budgetary policy as this is subject of economic governance or either coordination by the SGP. Sound public finances are considered to be a necessary, though not sufficient condition for price stability.
The financial crisis and notably the situation in Greece brought a number of new instruments. In addition to a framework for crisis management, the Task Force on Strengthening Economic Governance called for broader and deeper policy coordination through the introduction of a so-called European Semester, allowing the European institutions to assess the draft budget and to come up with recommendations before it is submitted to national parliaments. In this paper we will critically assess the various proposals that have been done to reinforce budgetary coordination, addressing the question what would make the European member states comply under the new rules of the game where they did not under the old ones.
      </description>
      <author>Nispen tot Pannerden, F.K.M. van</author>
    </item> <item>
      <title>Managing Public Performance Through Budgetary Incentives: Appropriate Regardless the Consequences? (Research Paper)</title>
      <link>http://repub.eur.nl/res/pub/38152/</link>
      <pubDate>2011-08-25T00:00:00Z</pubDate>
      <description>
        
        Abstract
The current budgetary crises can be seen as a test case for New Public Management (NPM) reforms that have been adopted worldwide during the last two decades. One of these tools, performance based budgeting (PBB), is the subject of this paper. Although the roots of Performance Based Budgeting can be traced back as far as the early 20thcentury, PBB gained worldwide popularity in the 1990s and early 2000s as part of the NPM agenda. NPM introduced a set of recipes that were meant to transform the public sector towards more result orientation and efficiency. It is not clear yet what the post NPM era will look like exactly, but it looks like NPM’s heyday is well behind us. In the meantime, many traces of these reforms still dominate today’s public sector landscape.
It can easily be argued that PBB has become and remained so popular more because of the promises that it holds than the results that can empirically be attributed to its introduction. Regarding PBB, Allen Schick once noted that: governments that don’t manage for results will not budget for results *Schick 2003+. Expanding on Schick’s observation, the very type of result orientation that PBB was intended to achieve may turn out to be its main unarticulated premise. In other words, did PBB indeed modify public organizations and their steering relationships? Or did it merely codify existing behavior in those cases that report success?
This paper presents a theoretical framework and method to assess this question. Lending from neo-institutional, more precisely principal-agent theory, alternative explanations for the use of performance information will be tested in international cases that share successful PBB implementation. The incentives PBB creates strongly rely on the logic of consequence. The alternative explanations sought follow the logic of appropriateness by focusing on the concepts such as of path dependency, cultural appropriateness and cognitive frames.
      </description>
      <author>Nispen tot Pannerden, F.K.M. van</author> <author>Jong, M. de</author>
    </item> <item>
      <title>Turkish Accession and Defining the Boundaries of Nationalism and Supranationalism: Discourses in the European Commission (Article)</title>
      <link>http://repub.eur.nl/res/pub/25826/</link>
      <pubDate>2011-08-22T00:00:00Z</pubDate>
      <description>
        
        The European Union in general and the European Commission in particular are
characterised by supranational governance. The enlargement policy gives the Commission
the opportunity to export and promote supranational norms and define the boundaries of
Europe as a supranational polity through the conditionality of membership and intensive
contact with the candidate countries. This article analyses the discourses of the
Commission on Turkey and gives us insights into how well Turkey fits the supranational
model in the eyes of Commission officials. It demonstrates how the boundaries of
supranationalism are set and even challenged by the prospects of Turkey’s accession.
      </description>
      <author>Düzgit, S.A.</author> <author>Suvarierol, S.</author>
    </item> <item>
      <title>Beyond the Dutch "Multicultural Model": The Coproduction of Integration Policy Frames in The Netherlands (Article)</title>
      <link>http://repub.eur.nl/res/pub/26628/</link>
      <pubDate>2011-08-01T00:00:00Z</pubDate>
      <description>
        
        The Netherlands has been internationally known for its multicultural approach to immigrant integration. The aim of this article is to delve into the "coproduction" by researchers and policy makers of this so-called Dutch "multicultural model". As this article shows, researchers and policy makers have in The Netherlands been joined in several discourse coalitions. Indeed, one of these discourse coalitions supported an integration paradigm with multicultural elements, but at least two other types of discourses can be identified in The Netherlands, one of more liberal-egalitarian nature and one more assimilationist. In spite of the persistent image of The Netherlands as a representative of the multicultural model, it is in fact this multiplicity of discourses that characterizes the Dutch case. Moreover, labeling Dutch integration policies as "multiculturalist" has to be understood as a performative act by both politicians and scholars who disapprove of Dutch integration policies. In that sense, the retrospective labeling of policies as multiculturalist is a very specific kind of coproduction of a policy frame. 
      </description>
      <author>Duyvendak, J.W.</author> <author>Scholten, P.W.A.</author>
    </item>
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