Chapter 24 Human Capital and Artists' Labour Markets
Introduction
The role of human capital in labour economics has a long history, going back to Adam Smith. Smith recognised the effect of both training and talent in determining wages, the latter in his famous comment on the ‘exorbitant’ rewards of opera singers and dancers.1 The influence of innate ability and knowledge acquisition on earnings has been much discussed in human capital theory and this discussion is particularly relevant to artists. The study of artists' labour markets is important in cultural economics because we need to understand what factors affect the supply of work by creative artists and performers since cultural policy, whatever its explicit aims, is ultimately designed to encourage creativity.
In this chapter, two basic questions are addressed: what contribution does human capital theory make to understanding creativity in the arts and culture and what contribution does cultural economics make to our understanding of human capital? Much of the analysis of human capital over the last 30 years has been about the econometric problems of identifying the specific contribution to earnings of innate ability rather than of ability acquired through ‘schooling’. Because the role of innate ability or talent is far greater in the arts than it is in non-arts occupations, its influence is an area in which cultural economics can make a contribution to human capital theory. It also seems likely that on-the-job training and experience are more important in the arts than in other occupations. Another distinguishing feature of artists' supply behaviour is their concern with utility and reputation, which considerably modifies their desire for financial reward. Furthermore, the arts and cultural industries are areas in which there is dependence on copyright law for protecting artists' earnings, enabling them to obtain future as well as present income. There is, therefore, reason to believe that artists' labour markets differ from those of other workers and this raises the question whether human capital theory applies in them. However, while there has been a great deal of empirical work on the role of human capital in ‘ordinary’ labour markets, there have been relatively few econometric studies of artists' labour markets.
This chapter is organised as follows: an introduction to human capital theory precedes a brief summary of issues in the measurement of human capital using earnings functions, including those relating to artists. Then the role of talent and creativity in artists' labour markets is discussed, with particular reference to the superstar phenomenon. That is followed by a section on artists' training and occupational choice, after which we consider the analogy between human capital, social capital and cultural capital. We then turn to the relation in artists' labour markets between human capital, the ability to reproduce artists' work and copyright law, showing how that alters the ‘inalienability’ problem in human capital.
Section snippets
The basic theory
Sherwin Rosen has defined human capital as “… the stock of skills and productive knowledge embodied in people. The yield or return on human capital investment lies in enhancing a person's skills and earning power, and in increasing the efficiency of economic decision-making both within and without the market economy” [Rosen (1987, p. 682)]. This definition captures two essential features of the theory: that human capital cannot be separated from the person, and that human capital embodied in an
Estimation
Earnings data are the single most important source of information about human capital as they represent both the returns to investment and the cost of the time taken to make the investment. Lifetime earnings are typically represented in age-earnings profiles. Earning starts when compulsory education ceases – if the legal school leaving age is, say, 16 years of age, any schooling beyond 16 incurs the opportunity cost of the earnings of 16+ year olds. Thus the age-earnings profile begins at age
Superstars, talent and creativity
In this section we discuss specific features of artists' labour markets that reinforce the view that they differ fundamentally from other labour markets. Chief among these features is the absence of a clear specification of talent and creativity and their role in artists' labour markets.
Sherwin Rosen (1981) in his seminal article ‘The Economics of Superstars’ focussed on talent as the cause of the skewed distribution of earnings in certain professions and the vastly higher earnings of the few
Expected income
According to human capital theory, occupational choice is made on the basis of expected lifetime income. As ability bias reduces the cost of acquiring skills and qualifications, students sort themselves into occupations in which they have a comparative advantage. Taken over a whole society, individual rational behaviour is thought to lead to an optimal allocation of human capital. Equilibrium is achieved in the usual way: excess supply in one occupation reduces earnings and thus the private
Human capital, social capital, cultural capital and their implications for training artists
We now return to the fundamental question of what purpose is served by the use of the term ‘capital’ in human capital theory. Originally raised by Blaug (1976), who asked whether human capital is in fact a useful metaphor, this question is being asked again in relation to social capital and it is also relevant to the notion of cultural capital that has appeared in the literature of cultural economics. Social capital is a concept that originated in social theory. It has provided an umbrella term
Human capital theory, copyright law and reproducibility
I now turn to an old problem in human capital theory – its inalienability – and argue that the combination of the ability to reproduce works of art (‘reproducibility’) and copyright law overcome previous objections to the capital analogy, namely that human capital cannot be separated from labour. There is a close relationship between human capital and copyright since both spring from the human mind. Copyright law protects authors and performers by establishing statutory property rights that
Conclusion
In this chapter, I have argued that human capital theory applies only weakly to artists' decisions about investment in schooling and training and about occupational choice. The same, however, can be said about the sorting model, though the case for it is possibly somewhat stronger. What is lacking in cultural economics is an understanding of talent and creativity, what economic factors motivate artists and how creativity can be encouraged as part of government cultural policy. Bringing social
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